Sri Lanka is looking to restrict the rate of visitors to each of its national parks after a recent spate of vehicular accidents had injured and killed wild animals, Sri Lankan Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe said here on Wednesday.

 

In a statement released on his official Facebook page, Wickremesinghe said that the new government was also looking at methods of implementing strict speed limits in order to create an environment that is safe and secure for the wildlife.

 

The carcass of a young female leopard was found last week inside the Yala National Park, one of Sri Lanka's oldest and most popular national parks, in what authorities believe was a hit and run case.

 

In recent months, authorities have received reports of several animals being killed by careless drivers transporting visitors on safari.

 

"It has recently been brought to light that there has been a spate of vehicular accidents causing disruption and injury to the wildlife at Yala National Park. As an animal lover myself, this matter is very close to my heart," Wickremesinghe said.

 

"We are currently looking into how we can implement meaningful measures such as the strict enforcement of speed limits and further restrictions on the rate of visitors to each of our national parks and reserves, in order to create an environment that is safe and secure for all its inhabitants," he added.

 

The park attracts more than 100,000 foreign tourists each year and is a key source of revenue to the government.

 

In July, wildlife conservation officials banned the use of mobile phones inside the park to stop leopards and wildlife being killed by speeding vehicles which have been tipped off about their whereabouts.

 

The country's telecommunications regulator had agreed to switch off mobile phone coverage within the park during peak visitor times.

(Xinhua)

India and Sri Lanka are working to fix the dates for Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe to make New Delhi his first foreign port of call this month itself.

 

The New Indian Express reported citing ‘sources’ that there had been exchange of dates for Wickremesinghe’s visit. “It could take place within the next two to three weeks,” a senior diplomat told the Express.

 

The main uncertainty in deciding the dates is over the Cabinet formation, the Express said. Wickremesinghe is now deeply engaged in negotiations with the second largest party -- the Sri Lanka Freedom Party -- over the division of portfolios in the jumbo Cabinet of the National Unity government.

 

This will be the first overseas visit of Wickremesinghe since he was appointed  Prime Minister after the surprise win of Maithripala Sirisena in the Presidential elections in January, defeating two-term president Mahinda Rajapaksa. He had never ventured out of Sri Lanka during those eight months. After the UNP-led coalition again scored a victory in last month’s parliamentary polls, Wickremesinghe returned with a stronger mandate.

 

India was quite satisfied with the victory as it put a roadblock in the political comeback of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa – and thereby allowed Colombo to take a more generous position on the reconciliation with Lankan Tamils. Prime Minister Narendra Modi was one of the first to congratulate Wickremesinghe on the election victory.

 

President Sirisena had also chosen India as his first foreign destination in February.  Sirisena Government is seen more friendly towards New Delhi as compared to Rajapaksa, whose regime was marked by the enlargement of Chinese footprint in the Indian Ocean nation. The Lankan government had put on hold several large projects granted to Chinese firms.

(With inputs from The New Indian Express)

Sri Lanka's newly-elected Parliament will decide the strength of the new Cabinet in the unity government on September 3, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe said on Sunday.

 

"On September 3, Parliament will decide on the extended number of Cabinet and State Ministers. This is necessitated due to the 19th amendment when we limited the Cabinet to 30 members," Wickremesinghe said speaking to the media.

 

On September 1 the Speaker and Deputy Speaker will be chosen and President Maithripala Sirisena will address Parliament, he also said.

 

The UNP led by Wickremesinghe failed to secure the absolute majority of 113 in the 225-member Parliament, the full Cabinet is yet to be formed. Only three Cabinet members, including foreign minister Mangala Samaraweera, were appointed last week to host a visit by a group of top US State Department officials.

 

Wickremesinghe's UNP and President Maithripala Sirisena's Sri Lanka Freedom Party decided to form a national unity government, but there has been serious disagreements over the sharing of key portfolios.

Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe expressed confidence that Sri Lanka will be able to work out a new constitution within the next year.

 

In an interview with N. Ram, the former Editor-in-Chief of The Hindu, Wickremesinghe said that there has been a lot of discussion behind the scene during the last few years on constitutional proposals. “The SLFP [Sri Lanka Freedom Party] thinks it will take one year and we [the United National Party] think it should take six months. The main issue will be the new system of elections,” Wickremesinghe said.

 

Meanwhile he also said that there was the need to strengthen the parliamentary system as well as making the Provincial Councils work. The Prime Minister said that since the areas of concern were narrow, it could be done within the said period of time.

 

He maintained that the electoral process will be the main challenge. If it could be worked out, other things will be put into place, Wickremesinghe said.

 

Wickremesinghe also spoke about the probe into alleged war crimes during Sri Lanka’s Civil War and said that any investigation should be a domestic one.

 

The full interview of Ranil Wickremesinghe with N. Ram:

 

Prime Minister, you announced a very ambitious task: working out a new Constitution for Sri Lanka. The last Constitution of course was in 1978 – you also were part of that process – and before that in 1972. There is a lot of experience going into this. But will this not take a long time?

 

Well, the SLFP [Sri Lanka Freedom Party] thinks it will take one year and we [the United National Party] think it should take six months. The main issue will be the new system of elections. We are all agreed that it should be a mixed proportional system. But we still haven’t agreed on the break-up between the constituencies and those who come on the general list. There is also the issue of the presidency, with the citizens’ group wanting the executive presidency to be abolished completely while the SLFP is opposed to it. So we said we would have to review the whole thing and then see how we strengthen Parliament. The more we strengthen Parliament… the executive presidency will be whittled away. But we also have to look at the Provincial Councils and how we make them really work. There is a general feeling that it is a white elephant but we have to make them work. Those are the main issues we will have to go into.

 

So you are confident it can be done within this time-frame?

 

I think the areas are narrow. If we want to, we can do it. If we get over the issue of electoral representation, then I think we can put the other things into place.

 

Do you have any strong, clear views on electoral representation?

 

It has to be a mixed-member proportional system. We will have to bridge the gap between the two main parties which are looking at stability and the smaller parties which want to increase their share, so they will have a bigger say. But the general trend at this election seems to be working towards a three-party system, two major parties and maybe one smaller party.

 

You have seen what has happened in Nepal, where there was a lot of promise and then they have got stuck on this Constituent Assembly. But you can do it differently?

 

I think we can. We have a Constitution. It’s a question of replacing it. Nepal had no Constitution. And there’s agreement [here] that we have to change the system. But when you go to change the electoral system, the different interests come into play – regional parties, small parties, big parties.

 

On Cabinet formation: you have a limit of 30.

 

It is now 30, unless there is a national government. When we brought this 19th Amendment in and we limited the size to 30, some of us – I was one of them – said, ‘Look, we may try to form a unity government, in which case the reality is that 30 won’t suffice.’ So Parliament went into this and added the provision that if you have a national government, then you can exceed 30 but Parliament will fix the number. So we will exceed 30 and now we are negotiating on the number.

 

The key posts will be Finance, Foreign Affairs, Justice…

 

There are many Ministries that are important. But the development Ministries are the ones that people will look at.

 

The international community will be looking to you to provide strong leadership, particularly on the economy.

 

I think we will go ahead and do well. But I would like to get a consensus – because then it will stay on long after we finish politics.

 

There is a feeling that the present political situation provides an opportunity to move fairly quickly towards a political solution to what is regarded as your principal national question – the Tamil question in the North and East. You have been emphasizing the need for this over a long period. You have supported devolution. What are the prospects of making progress towards a permanent political solution? A lot of time was lost after the war ended in 2009.

 

There have been a lot of administrative barriers, which have to be removed. Secondly, there has been a request by some of the Provincial Councils that as far as the powers exercised jointly, by both the Centre and the Provinces, concurrent powers, are concerned, some of it could be transferred to the Provinces. Those are the main issues and we have to work this out. We have to discuss this, the two main parties and the TNA [Tamil National Alliance], the third one. They will be the three key players in formulating [the proposals].

 

And the SLMC [Sri Lanka Muslim Congress]?

 

The SLMC will come along. They will look at how they are going to protect the interests of the SLMC and the ACMC [All Ceylon Muslim Congress], Muslims in the East and the North.

 

Over a long period, the Tamils have been emphasizing the need to empower the Provincial Council or Councils with respect to land and police powers. There were efforts to resolve these issues but nothing came of them.

 

I think a lot of people are satisfied with land. The real issue in the North and the East now is re-settlement of people who got evicted from their land – in Jaffna and in the East. We say that subject to the main issues of national security, we will release the land. The services, the armed forces, are working out the modalities. As far as police powers are concerned, I think there is a lot of re-thinking going on – on the politicisation of the police and that we should not allow that. So let the Independent Police Commission be strengthened further and look at this, then see what role the Provincial Councils play. To take one example, it is quite possible that had the 13th Amendment operated in full in respect of police powers, the TNA might have got locked up in the Eastern Province and there was little we could have done! We all have had our experiences – the politicisation of the police under President [Mahinda] Rajapaksa. We will all work at it. We accept the fact that the Provincial Council must have a say in the law and order situation, no going back on that. But at the same time, how do you work this out in a practical way so that the police are freed from political influence and the Inspector-General of Police can lay down national policy and insist and ensure that law and order is enforced? And he has to report to Parliament.

 

As for the issue of merger of the North and the East, that was struck down [in 2006] by the judiciary, the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka. Has it come on to the agenda?

 

That was a temporary merger; there was no permanent merger. The Constitution provides that two Provinces or more can be merged if it is passed by the Provincial Councils and accepted at a referendum held in the respective Provinces separately. So that formula stays as it is.

 

The terminological gap remains. One side speaks of a ‘federal’ solution. Earlier the demand was for a separatist solution, a separate state, but the real, longstanding demand on the Tamil side has been federalism. The Constitution on the other hand provides for a ‘unitary’ state. Is it not possible to avoid getting caught in a terminological dispute but instead concentrate on the substance of what you call ‘devolution’ or what perhaps can be called ‘a substantial measure of self-administering opportunities within a united and undivided Sri Lanka’? As you know, the Indian Constitution doesn’t mention federalism at all. It is a Union of States. Is it not possible to get round that issue and focus just on the substance?

 

Substance is what we have to look at. Actually even today, the devolved powers in Sri Lanka are sometimes more than the powers given in federal Constitutions. So let us look at how we could work this whole system out and go ahead. The formula which was accepted by India also, let’s see how we work it out within the 13th Amendment, maximise it. Let’s build on this. That’s what we are talking about now.

 

Some far-going constitutional proposals were made during the Chandrika Kumaratunga presidency. Do they hold something worthwhile, you think?

 

There has been a lot of discussion behind the scenes in the last few years. It is a question now of putting that together and how we work it out.

 

So you are confident about making progress?

 

I think we should be able to do that.

 

And on the human rights issues, there is a demand for an international investigation. But clearly there is a consensus in Sri Lanka that the investigation should be domestic.

 

We have agreed it is domestic for the simple reason that we did not sign the Statute of Rome. The commitment that was given by the Rajapaksa administration to the U.N. Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in 2009 could be interpreted in many ways. At one stage they were moving towards international investigation. But we always said, the UNP, that there was no legal basis for international investigation within Sri Lanka; it had to be domestic. The reason some of the people have been calling for international investigation is the loss of confidence in the judiciary. We’ve had this problem before, in the North and in the South. People did not question the independence of the judiciary and of the law enforcement machinery. But that machinery ceased to function properly. The call has come for international investigation. We would like to put forward a domestic mechanism which would be within the four corners of our Constitution but would also be acceptable to all the communities in Sri Lanka plus the international community.

 

So that would be the key difference between your approach and the approach of the previous administration?

 

We would look at a strong, independent internal judicial mechanism. Independent and one that is acceptable to all ethnic groups in Sri Lanka and to the international community. This is also a way for us to build up independence of the judiciary within Sri Lanka.

 

What kind of role do you see former President Kumaratunga playing at this juncture?

 

She heads the Office for National Unity. She is also now playing a leading role in the SLFP. And she chaired the Committee which drafted the MoU from their side. President Maithripala Sirisena and the former President Kumaratunga have a moderating influence in the SLFP and I think they are spearheading a movement to revive the SLFP brand, as we call it. We the UNP never gave up identity; we may have alliances but we never gave up identity. The SLFP is suffering the consequence of submerging their identity in the UPFA and having their personality cults.

 

She can also play in helping forge a political solution [to the Tamil question in the North and the East]. When she was President, there were some good ideas in the constitutional proposals made at that time.

 

She has. She and Rev. Maduluwave Sobitha [Thero] have been working in one group. We have one group. Others have different views. So let’s look at common meeting points. I have tried to keep the UNP position flexible so that we can bridge the differences.

 

The plantation Tamils have made a real difference to the election outcome, contributed substantial votes to the UNP victory. Some of them told me they were a little disappointed that they didn’t get even one preference seat, a seat on your national list.

 

They are well represented. The Tamils living in the hill country will have their own communities to live with, and they get integrated with the communities. I think they have made a lot of advancement in the last few months compared to earlier. But we have to go ahead. I prefer to call them Sri Lankan Tamils living in the hill country rather than plantation Tamils, because I don’t know how long this plantation system can carry on. From a few schools which did A-level science in the Tamil medium, we have added 25 more. In the next ten years, with more and more people going towards the science and the maths stream, there will be a reluctance to be involved in the plantation system. We have to accept the fact that the plantation system as we know it now may not be there. To call them the plantation community will be like trying to identify a ghetto. Many of them will move out into other areas, to Colombo and some other developed areas. And that’s the way it should be. Finally, all the people in the hill country, whether those who worked earlier in the plantations or those who worked in the villages, are all citizens of Sri Lanka.

 

There was an attempt in the recent general election campaign to send out the message to voters that this political change was the work of the minorities, ganging up, and that if you allowed it to go further, there would be a threat of the revival or return of the LTTE [Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam]. Did that make an impact on the elections?

 

I don’t think so. It may have catered to the hard core of the Rajapaksa supporters. But anyway they would have voted for Rajapaksa. I think communal issues ceased to be an item in this election. They did their best; some of them tried it and finally found it very, very embarrassing. When they accused us of dividing the country, we told them, ‘Look, in the event of the LTTE returning, we have the best Defence Minister available, and that is the President who is your leader!” They had no answer to that. They would have got suspended from their party for accusing their leader! There is enough evidence on how the former regime, President Rajapaksa and others, had contact with the LTTE. I always said, ‘I prefer to go into defeat and spend ten years in the wilderness rather than come to any electoral arrangement with [Velupillai] Prabakaran.’ I had a ceasefire, which was signed formally by me, not with Prabakaran but with the Norway government. I was not willing to enter into any electoral agreement.

 

Did it cost you victory in the 2005 presidential election?

 

It cost me ten years.

 

Is it clear there was a deal?

 

There was a deal. That is accepted; they have not rejected it. Money was passed, two hundred million [Sri Lankan] rupees initially, well over two billion rupees finally, which went out of government funds, for restoring houses damaged by the tsunami. But no houses had been restored. Payments had gone on till about until the end of 2006 – early 2007.

 

You are putting all this behind you, are you?

 

We have put it behind us. Unless someone brings it up, we are not going to raise this subject.

 

The former President may have surprised some people by coming to your swearing-in [as Prime Minister]. We saw you shake hands and chat with him warmly. What will be his role in the new dispensation?

 

Mine has been a political rivalry with him. And I said I was going to oppose him for the simple reason I didn’t agree with the way the country was run, especially with regard to national unity and democracy. Other than that, he has got to determine what his role is. I think it will take him some time. As he gets moving, he may want take a back seat and only speak out on the main issues. It is up to him to decide and I think different people are giving him different types of advice.

 

But there will be a line of communication between him and you as Prime Minister?

 

Oh yes, I speak to him, he speaks to me, we speak over the telephone. I say it is a political rivalry, nothing personal between the two sides.

 

What would you say is the main difference, in terms of characterisation of the parties, between the UNP and the SLFP as they stand today?

 

It has all changed now. General elections are campaigns between the UNP and anti-UNP groups. But in the presidential election in January, because of what President Rajapaksa did, it became a campaign between pro--Mahinda Rajapaksa and anti--Mahinda Rajapaksa groups. In this [parliamentary] election, there was confusion within the SLFP fold. Some of them, having opposed Mahinda Rajapaksa, came over to the UNP, those who would otherwise not have joined with the UNP. There ceased to be an anti-UNP bloc. And within the UPFA (United People’s Freedom Alliance), one group was a strong Mahinda Rajapaksa group, the other was not with Mahinda Rajapaksa. It’s a question of how the numbers play out. But the President’s leadership has not been challenged.

 

The arrangement that you have initiated, that you and the President perhaps have initiated, rules out what would have been unseemly defection, some MPs breaking away from the SLFP to join you. Was that ever on? There was speculation in the media about this.

 

We decided that wouldn’t be the way. We could have got ten or fifteen people over from the other side but then again, it would have put the President in a very, very embarrassing position. But if we could cooperate with the SLFP, that was far more advantageous to us than getting fifteen of them over. Because we are trying to set a national framework for at least the next ten years. We will try and work this out.

 

Will this arrangement, which needs to be firmed up, send a positive message to the Tamils? Will they be reassured by this?

 

I think they will be re-assured.

 

Not worried by this?

 

We didn’t have an overall majority in Parliament. But then we had to have a working system. Now, if you look at India, the BJP [Bharatiya Janata Party] has an overall majority, a clear majority, in the Lok Sabha but they are in a minority in the Rajya Sabha. So everything is divided, nothing is moving. I didn’t want to come to that state or to be fighting for every piece of main legislation. It’s better we agree and get this through and see how it works out. If it succeeds, every one will be on board. If it doesn’t succeed, people will go their own way. But I am a hundred per cent confident that we can succeed. We have tremendous issues to resolve, more than our personal or political rivalries. The employment issue; how you are going to fit into the international economy; restoring national democracy; working on national unity; upgrading our system of education; free education, free health; and the national debt. Instead of shouting at who was responsible, let’s see how we get out of where we are.

 

Finally, on international relations. There were problems earlier. Relations with western powers deteriorated. There were some issues in relations with India. Is there going to be a real change in approach now?

 

A lot of people are unhappy about the approach taken by President Rajapaksa. I think that was a mistake; we shouldn’t have antagonised the west. Our approach is: we get back to having the close relations we had with the west and with India while maintaining our relationship with China, which has also been a longstanding one. And looking at our own role in the region and what stand we will take on some of the main international issues.

 

Since there is so much on your plate by way of domestic issues, will you be able to devote time to some of your favourite projects, like the land bridge between Sri Lanka and India? Or will that take some time?

 

We will first have to get the country moving – that’s the priority – and then to look at all other issues.

 

(With inputs from The Hindu)

The Sri Lankan parliamentary poll results have shown that the voters have rejected divisive politics and authoritarianism by electing Ranil Wickremesinghe. The message is the defeat of former President Mahinda Rajapakse rather than the victory of the UNP-led coalition. Rajapakse’s bid for a return despite his humiliating defeat in the Presidential elections has been foiled. However voters have not given a decisive mandate to the UNP-led coalition.

 

Wickremesinge  has formed his government with the country’s two major political parties - formerly bitter rivals - agreeing  to work together in the new parliament. If this experiment works it will be a hopeful sign in tackling the country’s most pressing challenges -national reconciliation after a long and brutal civil war and overcoming economic hardships. Wickremesinghe  has promised a “new Sri Lanka in 60 months” which will focus on the economy, and on fighting corruption, ensuring freedom for all, creating infrastructure and improving the education system.

 

The new government faces many challenges. The first is to provide a stable administration. Will the new coalition experiment of the UNP and Sri Lankan Freedom Party succeed?  There are bound to be some pulls and pressures. The Tamil National Alliance has not attended the swearing-in ceremony of Wickremesinghe.  Going by the support of the Sinhalese voters to Rajapakse, his brand of politics is still alive and might pose a challenge for undertaking bold reofrms. Rajapakse has decided to sit in the opposition and might create mishcief.

 

The second is the minority question. The new government should not miss the chance of finding a solution to this contentious issue. How will Wickremesinghe deal with the Tamils and Buddhists? The TNA, by  winning 16 seats in the recent polls, has had its hands strengthened not just in negotiations with Colombo but also with respect to other political forces that have criticized the TNA for not pursuing hardline nationalist politics.

 

The TNA has fully supported the BNP as it had supported Maithripala Sirisena in the presidential elections eight months ago. The Tamil question has been dogging the country for decades now and they are looking for some solution. Will the new dispensation be able to engage with the minorities? What would be the formula for devolution of powers to the Tamils? How will the new government deal with the Sinhala Buddhist nationalist party, the Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU), which is part of the UNP coalition?  The Sirisena-Wickremesinghe duo should not miss this opportunity of coming up with out-of-box thinking to satisfy the minorities.

 

The third challenge will come after the UN Human Rights Commission releases its report next month of human rights violations during the Eelam War 4, which is expected to report abuses on both sides.  There is need to set up a credible enquiry commission to satisfy all parties and also the international players.  But the new government  will face a major challenge in balancing complex domestic and external political pressures with the  release of the report.

 

The fourth is corruption. The Sirisena government in the past eight months had made some attempts clean things up but it could not go the whole hog. For instance, establishing a Financial Crimes Investigation Division (FCID) was a bold step

 

Will the new government investigate the financial irregulaties allegedly committed by Rajapkse, his family and friends and if so to what extent will it go?

 

The fifth is a balancing act between India and China. Wickremesinghe is pro-India if you go by his statement to the media soon after the victory that “It’s a new chapter in Sri Lankan politics itself. Therefore, we should have close relations with India.” There is all possibility of enhanced cooperation between New Delhi and Colombo as India  is more sympthaetic and supportive of the new government. It is faced with addressing India’s concerns such as the fisehrmen issue, the return of Sri Lankan refugees in Tamil Nadu as also implementatin of the 13th amendment plus. 

 

The sixth is that  there is the huge task of  reconciliation and rehabilitation ahead as war wounds are not fully healed.  The Sirisena government had taken some steps like removing the governor who was  at loggerheads with the elected chief minister of the Northern Province, CV Wigneswaran. But the CM wants autonomy, land and police powers and removal of military forces form the area. One of the steps taken was the  setting up of a  reconciliation office headed by former President Kumaratunga. 

 

The seventh issue is the economy which is not in good shape. The Wickremesinghe victory has raised hopes of speeding up reforms and fuelling faster economic growth. The poll outcome was also in line with the market expectations. The new government has to take long-pending decisions to improve liquidity and broaden the overall market.

 

Last but not least the constitutional reforms need to be addressed. It is indeed a good thing that the government  is in a posiiton to undertake reforms although the Rajapakse faction will try to  oppose every piece of legislation.

 

The new government  has a chance to take the war weary  country forward and India should support  all its efforts to deal with the eocnomy and seucity aspects . Wickremesinghe has a lot good will from India as well as the west and with his right of the centre policies he should  not miss this golden opportunity.

(The Statesman)

Leaders of Singapore on Friday (Aug 21) sent congratulatory letters to Sri Lanka’s Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, who has been re-elected for another term.

 

“Your electoral victory reflects the faith Sri Lankans have placed in your vision of a peaceful, democratic and prosperous nation. Under your leadership, Sri Lanka has implemented wide-ranging reforms and enhanced healthcare, education and infrastructure,” wrote Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong in a letter to his Sri Lankan counterpart. “I am confident that Sri Lanka will continue grow and prosper during your new term in office.”

 

Emeritus Senior Minister Goh Chok Tong added in a separate letter: “Singapore has consistently supported national reconciliation, peace and progress in Sri Lanka. Your commitment to bringing Sri Lankans together regardless of class or creed has added positive momentum to the country’s reconstruction and national reconciliation efforts.”

 

Both leaders also noted longstanding relations between Singapore and Sri Lanka. “I look forward to enhancing our ties, and hope that you will visit Singapore at the earliest opportunity,” said Mr Lee.

 

Mr Wickremesinghe was on Friday sworn in for a fourth term in office. His United National Party (UNP) won the largest number of seats in the election on Monday, but fell short of a majority in the 225-member parliament. Rival candidate Mahinda Rajapakse’s Sri Lanka Freedom Party agreed to form a coalition with UNP, though the former president will remain on the opposition benches.

(Channel News Asia)

Ranil Wickremesinghe was sworn in today for a fourth term as Prime Minister at the Presidential Secretariat.

 

Wickremesinghe became the first Sri Lankan to be sworn-in as the Prime Minister for four terms.

 

Many guests including former President Mahinda Rajapaksa were present at the event presided by President Maithripala Sirisena.

Ranil Wickremesinghe was sworn in today for a fourth term as Prime Minister at the Presidential Secretariat.

 

Wickremesinghe became the first Sri Lankan to be sworn-in as the Prime Minister for four terms.

 

Many guests including former President Mahinda Rajapaksa were present at the event presided by President Maithripala Sirisena.

 

Born on March 24, 1949, Wickremesinghe was educated at Royal College, Colombo and then obtained his Bachelor's degree from the Law Faculty of the University of Colombo.

 

Wickremesinghe entered the Parliament from the Biyagama Electorate in 1977, obtaining 22,045 votes. His main opponent David Hapangama of the SLFP obtained only 15,276 votes.

 

He was a Cabinet Minister of the UNP government from 1977 to 1993, before being appointed Prime Minister in 1993. He served in this capacity until August 1994.

 

Wickremesinghe was the Prime Minister between December 2001-April 2004 and from January 2015.